
Class „'_L_ ^ i'3 



AN 



ADDRESS 



TO THE 



PEOrLE OF BAENWELL DISTRICT, 



SEPARATE STATE SECESSION. 



W. A. OWENS. 



CHARLESTON: 

STEAM POWER-PRESS OF WALKER &. JAMES. 
1851. 



.017 



.0 "> 



ADDEESS, 



To the Peo2yle of Barnwell District : 

Feilow-Citizens : — I propose to place before you clearly and une- 
quivocally my views, and the reasons therefor, .in regard to the momen- 
tous questions now agitating the public mind, and more particularly 
upon the question of the course of action to be pursued on the part of 
South-Carolina, in which views I have the concurrence of my colleagues, 
Mr. Patterson and Dr. Lawton. I am induced to do this from several 
considerations, among the more prominent of which is, that a subject 
involving such vast interest, and upon which the destiny of our State, 
the happiness of her people, and, perhaps, the cause of human freedom 
itself are suspended, should be presented in all its aspects before those 
who are called upon to decide authoritatively in regard to it, and whose 
fate is coupled with that decision. In addition to this, I have reason to 
believe that my views are misunderstood and have been misrepresent- 
ed, whether wilfully or otherwise, it is now unnecessary to inquire. It 
is sufficient for me to know that such is the fact, and I now come be- 
fore you, as one honored with your confidence, to state my position, in 
order that you may see whether there is any probability that your con- 
fidence will be abused. I am but an humble citizen, having no more 
interest in the great question of Southern Rights than a large majority 
of my fellow-citizens ; at the same time, feeling that we, and all we 
have, are the common property of South-Carolina, and that while the 
weakest may be called upon to strike, the humblest has a right to be 
heard. If it shall be my misfortune to difter with my constituents on a 
question of such magnitude, I shall have the consolation of knowing 
that my adverse opinions can work no injury to them. If, on the other 
hand, they should concur in the correctness of the views which I am 
about to present, as I believe they will, I shall greatly rejoice that my 
feelings and judgment have corresponded in faithfully carrying out the 
trusts which their kindness has devolved upon me. 

I have regretted exceedingly to observe that an impatience has mani- 



fested itself, to a considerable extent, on the part of some, to any dif- 
ference of opinion in regard to the remedy we should pursue in defence 
of our rights. It will be lamentable indeed if this spirit should increase. 
For if hot blood is, engendered among ourselves, we have little hope of 
procuring co-operation elsewhere ; and if denunciation, insult and os- 
tracism, are to be the reward of the minority, be it on which side it may, 
it matters little to them who rules. For myself, I disclaim all right to 
question any man's motives. We are all Carolinians, sons of a common 
mother, bound to her b}^ a common affection, and each one, I hope, de- 
termined to share a common fate ; and it ill becomes any one to de- 
nounce another and carp about his motives, and throw out insinuations 
unfavourable to his patriotism, because he differs with you as to the 
mode of redress. Any ^man who holds opinions formed and matured 
on this great question, and has not the firmness to express them, or who 
from any motive expresses opinions he does not really entertain, is un- 
worthy of the confidence or countenance of the community. I desire, 
therefore, to proceed in a spirit of candor and fairness, to present the 
matter fully and calmly, and ask that all I say may be scanned narrow- 
ly and carefully. And if I should fail " to reach the height of this great 
argument," as doubtless I shall, I hope I shall realize the fact, that no 
want of patriotism, or honesty of purpose, has defaced my effort. 

It will be necessary to a correct understanding by those to whom 
means of information have not heretofore been accessible, that I should 
gnve a synopsis of the whole question, as certain important references 
would not be understood without it. And without further preliminary, 
I shall proceed to the history of the question of infamous notoriety, and 
familiarly known as the Wilmot Proviso. During the progress of our 
recent war with Mexico, Mr. Polk, then President of the United States, 
asked from Congress an appropriation of three millions of dollars, with 
which he hoped, in a manner not then disclosed, to conclude a satisfac- 
tory and honorable peace with jSIexico. AYhen the resolution making 
the appropriation came up for consideration in Congress, Mr. David 
"Wilmot, a member of the House of Ptepresentatives, from Pennsylvania, 
(who, it seems, suspected that the acquisition of Mexican Territory was 
at the bottom of the movement,) arose in his place, and moved as a 
proviso to the resolutions, that in any territory acquired by means of 
the appropriation thereby made, slavery or involuntary servitude should 
never exist, except for crimes, of which the party should be first con- 
victed. This movement, as was expected, aroused from the Southern 
members and the Southern States the deepest indignation. The line 
was drawn, and a fierce battle, never exceeded in legislative annals, 



then commenced, and %vill continue until, perhaps, it is settled iu ano- 
ther manner, by the bloody arbitrament of the sword. The South Telt, 
and truly felt, this to be a most unparalleled outrage. Her sons and 
her treasure had been cheerfully contributed in defence of our common 
flag. The former had been slain, and the latter freely expended to pre- 
vent our national honor from being tarnished, and here was a deliberate 
attempt to wrest from her all the fruits of victories obtained mainly by her 
own prowess. A majority of the Southern States immediately deternnned 
that they would never submit to the consummation of such a pui-pose. 
The proviso passed the House of Representatives, but was defeated in 
the Senate, and the appropriation asked for by Mr. Polk, was granted 
unaccompanied by any conditions. 

The war progressed to a conclusion. A treaty of peace was formed 
between our government and Mexico, by which the latter ceded to us a 
vast territory, known as California, Utah and New Mexico, in conside- 
ration of which, our government was to pay that of Mexico fifteen mil- 
lions of dollars. As soon as this territory was acquired, the principle 
of the Wilmot Proviso was again put in agitation. The doctrine ra- 
pidly spread at the North, and seemed to be fixed iu the opinions of 
a majority in Congress. Gold in immense quantities was discovered in 
California, and thousands were flocking there from all nations. The 
immediate necessity for a territorial government to protect the rights of 
the United States, and those of legitimate residents, was pressing and 
apparent. But this unhallowed principle of Northern fanaticism para- 
lyzed every eflfort to that end. It obtruded itself at every turn, until 
the hearts of good men became sick at the prospects it foreboded. But 
something must be dune. In this emergency, while ingenuity and pa- 
triotism were taxed to their utmost to devise some method to lay the fell 
spirit, without becoming its prey, a Special Committee was raised in 
the Senate of the United States, to whom these exciting questions were 
referred. The Hon. John M. Clayton, then a Senator from the State of 
Delaware, and more recently Secretary of State under General Tay- 
lor, was its chairman, and Carolina's ever lamented statesman, John C. 
Calhoun, a member. After much labor and many eftbrts a plan was 
evolved, which it was hoped would terminate the dangerous controversy, 
with justice to all concerned. It met the full approbation and received 
the hearty support of ^Ir. Calhoun. It was a provision for territorial 
governments for the territories acquired from Mexico, without any spe- 
cifications on the subject of slavery — without the slightest reference to 
the institution in any manner, leaving to the people of the territories to 
decide it for themselves, when the time arrived to form constitutions 



preparatory to their admission as States into the Union. These bills- 
passed the Senate; a feeling of joy pervaded the whole country, and it 
was hoped that soon the sounds of discord would cease. But the hope 
was delusive, the respite was short. These bills came before the House, 
Wilmot and his hordes ros« in their strength, and for a time they were 
foiled. The demon had fallen before the arm of the Senate ; but suc- 
cour came at last, and he was raised on high and planted firmly in his 
place by the sons of the South. If desolation should sweep over our 
country in the onward march of this question — if the South should be 
down-trodden and disgraced yet more — she will be like the eagle, whose 
dying agonies were increased on discovering the shaft which pierced its 
vitals, had been directed by a feather from its own wing. She will turn 
to Toombs, and Stephens, and their confreres, and say to them, " to 
your hands do I owo my misfortunes." The Bill known as the Clayton 
Compromise, upon which the sages and patriots of the Senate had uni- 
ted, was defeated through the instrumentality of these gentlemen, and 
history will blush when she records the fact and the motive. -General 
Taylor was the prominent whig candidate for the Presidency, and Gen. 
Cass was the democratic candidate. Gen. Taylor was a large slave- 
holder, and living in the very heart of the slaveholding country. Gen. 
Cass being a Northern man, his sentiments were know-n to be those of 
opposition to slavery in the abstract, although he held that Congress 
had no right to interfere in the matter. Gen. Taylor was no statesman, 
knew nothing of politics, and it would not do to put him forward at the 
South as a mere hero. The slavery question must, therefore, be kept 
open ; agitation must continue to ensure the triumph of the whig party. 
Gen. Taylor must be run at the South as a moderate whig, and an un- 
comproming slaveholder, with two hundred slaves or thereabouts, while 
at the North he must run as a high tariff whig of the deepest dye, and 
secretly in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. And, whether or not he was 
in favor of the Proviso, he had pledged himself to interfere with none 
of their free-soil measures by vetoing them, if they could get them 
through Congress, (which was equivalent to being in favor of them,) for 
unless Congress would sanction them he could be of no service, and Taylor 
in the Presidency, the whig party would be rampant, high tariffs for Mas- 
sachusetts, and offices for Georgia could be got, and a small slice for every 
one who had huzzaed for old Zach. To bring about this end, and defeat 
the Convention by appeals to Southern fears, were the objectjof Messrs. 
Stephens and Toombs, in defeating the Clayton Coinpromise, which wottld 
have settled the question, and have given peace to the country. And what 
was their excuse, what reason did they assign for thus prostitutig t he 



rights of the South, and sealing up all hope of her enjoying the fruits of 
her blood and treasure ? The pretence was, that the Mexican laws, 
which had excluded slavery from the territories when we obtained thera, 
were still in force, and as the Clayton Compromise Bill did not repeal 
them, they would exclude all slaveholders from participating therein. 
Masterly acumen ! Deep-seated patriotism ! And yet these very men, 
these self-same sons of Georgia, with their actions and the reasons there- 
for standing out palpably on the record, in scarce one year, " a little 
year before those shoes were cold," in which they had borne to the 
grave the last Southern hope, voted for bills providing territorial go- 
vernments for New Mexico and Utah, without a single provision in re- 
gard to the Mexican laws excluding slavery. The hollow device had 
attained its purpose — Taylor had been elected, and the whig party was 
triumphant. They knew well that what they contended for in regard 
to the Mexican laws was absurd. Daniel Webster had tried to main- 
tain a similar proposition, but he fell as he did in '32, before the mighty 
battle axe of Calhoun, who proved to all not oblivious to reason, that 
the Constitution of the United States extends over any and all territory 
acquired by the Government, and abrogated all laws contravening the 
rights of any of the citizens of the Union. The Constitution recognizes 
and guarantees slavery, and if, as Mr. Calhoun contended, it extended 
over the territories, and became there, as in the States, the supreme 
law, to the extent of its provisions, it followed, of course, that all Mexi- 
can laws, antagonistic to its principles, were immediately swept away. 
But Stephens and Toombs were wise above that which is written ; they 
recognized a "higher law," and that higher law was to put Taylor into 
the Presidential Chair, in order that they might receive the benefit of 
the " seven principles of their party," as Randolph of Roanoke termed 
them, '' the five loaves and two small fishes." Thus fell the South at 
the hands of her sons, and the melancholy fact intrudes itself at every 
step, and forces us to admit, that throughout this whole controversy, 
the severest wounds of the South have been received from the ranks of 
her own children. Had the South been united at any time, we could 
have obtained our rights, but through the joint operations of fanaticism 
and treachery, we have been despoiled. 

The failure of the Clayton Compromise left the agitating questions 
still open, the feeling of the South became more and more aroused — 
Congress adjourned in the summer of 1848, and no provision for the 
government of the territories were made. The Presidential election 
came on, and it was hoped that the result of the election would settle 
the question ; Gen. Taylor was a Southern slaveholder, and by a great 



8 

many it -was thought this was a sufficient guarantee- for his political 
principles on the slavery question, although he had pledged himself not 
to use the veto power, and without which he could be of no manner of 
service to us, for the North had the ascendancy in Congress, and could 
pass what laws they pleased. Gen. Cass came out with what was called 
the non-intervention doctrine, that is, that Congress had no power un- 
der the Constitution to legislate upon the subject of slavery at ail, and 
that it belonged to the people of the territories, to decide for themselves 
the character of their institutions. This, when rightly interpreted, is 
good States Right doctrine ; but, interpreted as he has since done, both 
by his speeches and votes in the Senate, it is ridiculous and insulting. 
When a people have gone through a territorial pupilage — have been 
recognized as citizens of the United States under the laws, and have 
attained to sufficient numbers to be admitted as a State, they have the 
right, clear and unquestionable, to pass authoritatively upon the charac- 
ter of their institutions — but to say that an indiscriminate horde of cit- 
izens, foreigners, half breeds, and escaped convicts, have a right to 
constitute themselves citizens en masse, on their mere motion, and to 
erect themselves into a State, and exclude one half of the Union from 
the enjoyment of the fruits of their own valor, is an insult to tlie un- 
derstanding ; yet such has been the practical results of Gen, Cass's non- 
intervention doctrine, illustrated and enforced by the action of its 
author. But more of this hereafter. 

Gen. Taylor went into office the 4th March, 1S49, During the summer 
of that year the State of Mississippi recommended to |aer Southern sis- 
ter States, who felt themselves aggrieved by the proposed action in re- 
gard to the territorial questions, to meet in Convention at Nashville, in 
June, 1850, to take common council together for the redress of their 
grievances. In the meantime. Gen. Taylor had appointed Gen. Riley 
Civil and Military Governor of California, and also sent out Thomas But- 
ler King, of Georgia, to San Francisco, as it has been alleged, and gene- 
rally believed, to give shape and consistency to the movements then on 
foot in California for the formation of a State Government. Gen. Riley 
called a Convention of the people of California, for the purpose of their 
forming a Constitution, and applying for admission as a State into the 
Union ; the Convention met, formed a Constitution, taking into their 
limits as a State, the whole of that vast territory, comprising eight hun- 
dred miles of the coast of the Pacific Ocean, and large enough for at 
least six States of the size of South-Carolina, from whicli they excluded 
slavery. The Legislature was called together, and elected two Senators 
and two Representatives to Congress, and they forwarded their Consti 



9 

tution to Gen. Taylor, !>}' whom it was laid before Conuress, -with a re- 
commendation that she be admitted as a State into the Uniou. "What 
secret springs were at work, by which the action of the Convention of 
California was controlled, has been a matter of controversy. It is be- 
lieved by a great many who have had access to means of information, 
that Thos. Butler King was sent out by Gen. Taylor for the }tur|iose of 
inducing the people to form a State Government, and thus avoid the 
consequences of the Wilmot Proviso, whicli yet hung as a portentous 
cloud over the country. There is but little doubt ill my mind that this 
was the object of Mr. King's mission. He was the first missionary to 
preach Gen. Cass's non-intervention doctrine ; he had reason to rejoice 
in his success. But be this as it may, what we contend for is, that this 
Convention was composed of persons who were neither a people, nor 
were they citizens, in the sense of the Constitution ; they had. no more 
right to form a government for California, than the people of South- 
Carolina who had never left their homes. They were mere sojourners, 
adventurers from all parts of the world, many of them escaped convicts 
from New South Wales and Australia — they came to hunt gold and to 
plunder. The citizens of the United States who went there for legiti- 
mate purposes, felt strongly the want of a government, for murder and 
robbery were stalking abroad, and Congress having refused to provide 
them a government, they had no recourse left but to adopt one for 
themselves; and knowing the strong anti-slaverj'^ feeling in Congress, in 
their extremity they excluded slavery from the country, as the means 
most likely to ensure their admission. It is necessary that I should here 
recur to the action taken by the various Southern States, in regard to 
their proposed exclusion from the territory acquired from Mexico ; Vir- 
ginia, I believe, was the first State who led oti" in the expression of her 
determination not to submit to the application of the principles of the 
Wilmot Proviso ; she took exceedingly high ground, and her position 
was hopeful to the cause of the South ; she was followed by Georgia, 
Alabama, Mississippi and Florida, in the expression of a like determi- 
nation. South-Carolina, by common consent, was indisposed to lead off 
on the question, and was anxious that to some other State should be as- 
signed that honor ; and to Virginia, the mother of States and of states-, 
men, it was yielded to be the banner State of the South. At the ses- 
sion of our Legislature in 1848, the Committee on Federal Relations, of 
which I had the honor of being a meml)er, reported to the House the 
following Preamljlo and Resolutions, which were unanimously a^lopted, 
viz : — 

The Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Representatives 



10 

upon Federal Relations, beg leave to report the follomng resolution, as 
expressing the undivided opinion of this Legislature, upon the Wilmot 
Proviso, and all similar violations of the great principles of equality 
vrhich South-Carolina has so long and so ardently maintained, should 
govern the action, and the laws of Congress, upon all matters affecting 
the rights and interest of any member of this Union. 

Resolved, That the time for discussion by the slaveholding States, as 
to their exclusion from the territory recently acquired from Mexico, has 
passed, and this General Assembly, representing the feelings of the 
State of South-Carolina, is prepared to co-operate with her sister States, 
in resisting the application of the principles of the Wilmot Proviso, to 
such territory, at an}'- and every hazard. 

This was all that was said or done by our Legislature at its session of 
1848. As I have before stated, during the summer of 1849, Missis- 
sippi had recommended a Southern Convention ; her Legislature had 
also met, and placed at the disposal of the Governor of the State one 
hundred thousand dollars, to be used by him as emergencies might de- 
mand. No other State had responded to the call of Mississippi, when our 
Legislature met in November, '49. The recommendation of Mississippi, 
as to a Southern Convention, was brought informally before the Legis- 
lature ; a legislative caucus was had, and in that caucus it was deter- 
mined to respond to the suggestions made as to a Convention, to be 
holden at Nashville, by sending delegates to represent us there. The 
number to be sent was double the number of our Senators and Repre- 
sentatives in Congress, four from the State at large, and two from each 
Congressional District in the State, making eighteen in all. Li this 
caucus Judge Cheves, Col. Elmore, Gov. Hammond, and Hon. R. W. 
Barnwell, were chosen to represent the State at large, and each Congres- 
sional District was requested to meet in Congressional Convention on 
the first of May following, and to select two persons to represent their 
respective Districts, which was done. At the same session of the Le- 
gislature, the Committee on Federal Relations reported the following- 
Preamble and Resolution, which were adopted by both branches of the 
Legislature : — 

The Committee are of the opinion, expressed by this Legislature at 
its last session, that the period of decisive action has arrived, and that 
the authorities of South-Carolina should be prepared promptly to take 
such steps as the other States of the South shall recommend, and her 
own position demands; the Committee, therefore, recommend for adop- 
tion the following Resolution : — 

Resolved, That in the event of the passage by Congress of the Wil- 
mot Proviso, or any kindred measure, that his Excellency the Governor 
be requested forthwith to convene the Legislature, in order to take such 
steps as the rights, interests and honor of this State, and of the whole 
South, shall demand. 



11 

Congress was then in session, and was in the midst of unparalleled 
excitement in the vain efforts to elect a Speaker. Neither the whigs 
nor democrats proper had a clear majority, the free-soilers held the ba- 
lance of power, and two or three weeks were consumed in trying to or- 
ganize the House. More than si.vty ballotings were had before a 
Speaker could be elected ; and, at last, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, was elect- 
ed contrary to the Constitution. While this election was going on, the 
slavery question, which was the apple of discord, came up in discussion 
several times, and with great feeling. In that discussion, our immediate 
and distinguished representative, the Hon. Wm. F. Colcook, participated 
to some extent, and, in the course of his remarks, used the following 
language, in reply to Mr. Baker, of Illinois : — 

" I desire to regard it (i. e. the slavery question,) in all its solemnity 
and importance, and with a full view of all the consequences that sur- 
round it. In this spirit. I declare that I believe the South is prepared 
to teach the North that she is in earnest ; and I here pledge myself^ that 
if any bill should he passed at this Congress, abolishing slavery in the 
District of Columbia, or incorpoTating the Wilmot Proviso in any 
form, I will introduce a resolution in this House, declaring in terms, 
that this Union ought to be dissolved.^'' 

As soon as' the intelligence that these remarks had been made in 
Congress reached Columbia, the following resolution was introduced 
and adopted by both Houses : 

" Besolved, That we cordially approve of the course of those South- 
ern members in Congress, etc., and that we fully respond to the senti- 
ment of our Delegation, as expressed by one of them, that if slavery be 
abolished in the District of Columbia by Congress, or the Wilmot Pro- 
viso be adopted, the Union would be dissolved." 

This was the finale of all that has been said by the Legislature of 
South-Carolina up to the last session. As before stated, early in the 
session of the Congress preceding the present. Gen. Taylor transmitted 
to Congress the Constitution of California, having previously recom- 
mended her admission as a State, in the event of her applying. This, 
of course, brought up again the whole question. A war of giants com- 
menced. Messrs. Calhoun, Butler, Clay, Webster, Berrien, Cass, and 
a host of others, engaged in the conflict. Never, perhaps, was wit- 
nessed on the arena of legislation, a more powerful struggle. It seemed 
as if the whole country, by common consent, suspended all ordinary 
operations to witness this battle ; hopes and fears would rise and fall al- 
ternately, and this mighty Republic bowed in " deferential homage" to 
the intellectual throes of her great sons. In that struggle perished Ca- 
rolina's long loved son, ever foremost in the ranks of danger, ever ready 
at the call of honor, and the voice of his beloved South ; his clarion 



12 

notes were beard high above the tempest, leading on her cohorts ; his 
dying struggle was expended by waving on high the .^is of liberty 
and constitutional right. He fell in the breaches made in the Constitu- 
tion, and the requiem that was sung over its destruction, was heard at 
his grave. 

In endeavoring to adjust the question, it was foimd " hedged in" by 
difficulties on every side. The North demanded the admission of Cali- 
fornia as a State, unconditionally. The South insisted, or at least a 
majority of the Southern members, that California was not a State 
within the purview of the Constitution ; that to admit her would be a 
violation of the spirit of the Constitution, and a gross and unholy 
fraud upon the rights of the South ; and justice required that she 
should be remanded to her territorial condition, leaving to slaveholders 
the right to go there with their property, if they chose, and to the peo- 
ple of the territory, at the proper time, the ultimate decision as to the 
existence or non-existence of slavery. 

Early in the session, Mr. Clay, the great compromiser, whom we fear 
and believe has long since compromised his patriotism and last vestige 
of Southern feeling, introduced in the Senate a series of resolutions, 
covering the whole ground, for the purpose of healing, as he terms it, 
the five bleeding wounds of the country. They were for the admission 
of California as a State, with the boundaries she had prescribed for her- 
self; to provide territorial governments for New Mexico and Utah; to 
adjust the boundary question between Texas and New Mexico, by pay- 
ing Texas a large equivalent ; and to abolish the slave trade in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. These several measures were discussed for some- 
time, without any probability of an agreement. It is proper that I 
should here remark, that the people inhabiting the territory of Utah 
had also formed a Constitution and applied for admission as a State into 
the Union. There were no restrictions on the subject of slavery in her 
Constitution. 

Pending this discussion, Gen. Foote, a Senator from Mississippi, had 
introduced a resolution to refer the whole question to a Committee of 
Thirteen, to be elected by the Senate, and after much debate, the ques- 
tions were so referred ; of which Committee, Mr. Clay was Chairman. 
A considerable time elapsed, and the Committee reported a bill, known 
as the Omnibus Bill, the leading features of which were similar in char- 
acter to the proposition contained in Mr. Clay's resolutions, before re- 
ferred to. While the bill was under discussion, the time for the meet- 
ing of the Nashville Convention arrived. In that Convention, the fol- 
lowing States were represented : Virginia, North-Carohna, SouthCaro- 



13 

lina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas ; 
but none of tlie States, except Mississippi and South-Carolina and 
Georgia had, as States, in any manner, noticed the recommendations as 
to the holding of the Convention. The delegates from the other States 
were tent by the people of their own motis^^y Virginia, instead of send- 
ing thirty-eight, as by the rule of representation she was entitled, sent 
but two or three ; North-Carolina, the same ; Florida, none ; Louisiana, 
none ; Kentucky, none. This, of it»3lf, was calculated to dampen 
somewhat the movement. 

The Convention met in June, 1850. Judge Sharkey, of Mississippi, 
was elected President. He had, early in the contest, taken high ground, 
and gave tone to the sentiment of Mississippi on the subject, and was 
recognized generally as one of the leading champions of Southern 
Rights. On the introduction of the Compromise Bill in the Senate, he 
gave in his adhesion, adopted " the best we can get" principles. When 
it was found, however, that the Compromise was generally unacceptable, 
he returned to his first love, left Foote and Clay, and came back to his 
former position. His dereliction was forgiven, and he was elected Pre- 
sident of the Nashville Convention. The Convention sat several days. 
It framed and put forth an Address to the Southern States, and adopted 
resolutions indicative of its views of the questions pending in Congress. 
It declared that for the sake of peace and harmony, and as an extreme 
concession, the South would be willing to divide California by the paral- 
lel of 36'=* 30' of north latitude, known as the Missouri Compromise 
line, which had been made the basis of settlement of the slavery ques- 
tion, on the admission of Missouri into the Union in 1820. The Mis- 
souri question is perfectly familiar to most of those who will read these 
pages. To such as it may not be, I will state, that when Missouri 
apphed for admission into the Union in 1820, her application was at 
first refused, because she was a slaveholding State. After a violent 
struggle she was admitted, with an understanding that slavery was 
never to exist in any territory north of 30^ 30', and with the belief on 
the part of the South, that no objection would ever be made to its ex- 
istence south of that line. Upon this basis, the Nashville Convention 
was willing to settle the question. It adjourned to meet in six weeks 
after the adjournment of Congress. Shortly after, the Omnibus Bill 
was defeated in the Senate, and every thing was at sea again. It 
seemed as if every effort was a Sysiphean stone, which was only raised 
to fall at the feet of its author. "Wearied out, the North and the South 
had both attained a point beyond which neither could go. The mea- 
sures were then left for Congress to act upon separately. Jlr. Douglas, 



14 

of Illinois, Cliairmaii of the Committee on Territories, had reported 
bills for the admission of California, and providing territorial govern- 
ments for New Mexico and Utah. Mr. Pearce, of Maryland, introduced 
a bill to settle the question of boundary between Texas and New 
Mexico. Mr. Mason, of Virginia, introduced a bill to facilitate the ex- 
tradition of fugitive slaves, and some other Senator introduced a bill to 
abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia.^ It ^Yas attempted 
to graft on the bill for the admission of California the line laid down by 
the Nashville Convention. The attempt failed, and the whole action of 
that Convention disregarded. These several measures were finally 
passed by Congress, and became the law of the land. 

1. The bill admitting California was with her present limits, and 
with a Constitution inhibiting to the existence of slavery within the 
limits of the State. Thus, by one " fell swoop," the whole South was 
deprived of this magnificent country, richer in mineral resources than 
any known part of the world ; and this was brought about by the ac- 
tion, directly or indirectly, of a Southern slaveholding President, who, 
though possessed of a courage that never quailed in the face of an 
enemy, gave way and bowed before the influence of the accursed spirit 
of fanaticism. 

2. The bills providing territorial governments for New Mexico and 
Utah, were in the usual form for such governments, except such por- 
tions as related to the question of slavery. In regard to this institu- 
tion, it was provided, " That the territorial governments should pass no 
law in respect of African slavery, but that the people of each territory 
should have the right to decide upon the existence or non-existence of 
slavery, in said territories, at the time they should form State Constitu- 
tions, preparatory to their admission into the Union." I consider this 
as equivalent to an inhibition of slavery ; for, if these territorial govern- 
ments have no right to pass laws in regard to the subject of slavery, to 
make no provision for their alienation one to another, no law to protect 
a master in the enjoyment of his rights as a slaveholder, no slaveholder 
will go where his property will be holden by such an uncertain tenure. 
And, although there are now a few slaves in Utah, there is very little 
probabiUty of either of these territories ever becoming slaveholding 
States. And I doubt very much if either of them will ever attain to a 
point of civilization or numbers, to entitle them to admission, in any 
manner. Utah is peopled by the poor, deluded Mormons, and New 
Mexico is said to be, in a great measure, an arid desert. But this does 
not aftect the question. If it was a sand-hill, we fought for it, and it 
was ours as much as the North's, and Congress had no light to pass 



15 

laws that would, in any manner, aft'ect our rights, if any of us choose to 
go there. 

3. The third measure was that adjusting the question of boundary 
between New Mexico and Texas. Texas claimed the Rio Grande as her 
boundary, and New Mexico contended that the River Neuces was the 
correct boundary. Ditiiculties were brewing between them in regard to 
this question, certain governmental officials were interfering against the 
rights of Texas, and there seemed every probability that hostilities 
would ensue. President Fillmore had ordered United States troops to 
take possession of the disputed territory, Gov. Bell, of Texas, had called 
the Legislature of that State together, and there seemed to be every 
probability of bloodshed. Mr. Pearce's bill settled the question. Texas 
was to yield to New Mexico the disputed territory, and Congress to pay 
Texas ten millions of dollars. Thus was the South again despoiled. 
If this territory did not belong to Texas, then we should not have paid 
her for it. If it was not her's, then is all the innocent blood shed in 
the Mexican war, crying at the doors of our government for vengeance. 
If this territory belonged to Mexico, and not to Texas, then did we 
commence an unjust and tyrannical war ; for General Taylor took pos- 
session of this territory and planted himself opposite Matamoras. And 
for doing this, the Mexican forces crossed the Rio Grande, and the bat- 
tles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma were fought, and the war 
began. With what consistency could Congress at one time declare that 
Mexico had invaded our territory and shed the blood of our citizens on 
our own soil, and as soon as peace was declared, assert that the same 
territory was not ours, was not Texan territory, but was Mexico's, and 
that we acquired it from Mexico in the treaty of peace. Impartial 
history must judge of this matter. 

But if the territory did belong to Texas, as I doubt not it did, then 
has a Southern State, for whose annexation South-Carolina and the 
■whole South toiled for years ; a slaveholding State, for whose sake 
rivers of American blood has been shed, and millions squandered ; a 
State that has caiised all our present commotion ; a State who could 
not be bullied into subjection, suffered herself to be bribed, and that 
with the mone}^ taken from the pocket of her Southern sisters, and sur- 
renders to the purposes of free-soil, the very ground upon which the 
first American blood was shed in her defence — surrenders to New Mex- 
ico, from which slavery had been indirectly excluded, the veiy territory 
for which, on her account, we engaged in the war. Of all the parcels 
of the Compromise, I look upon this as the most atrocious ; and if a 
Southern Confederacy is ever formed, I hope in God Texas will not be 



16 

allowed to enter it. She has covered herself with infamy, such as time 
can never eftace ; and were it in my power, this moment would I cut 
loose every cord that binds her to this Union, and place her once more 
under Mexican rule. 

4. The fourth measure adopted by Congress, was in' regard to the 
rendition of fugitive slaves, to provide means for the more effectually 
carrying into effect the clause of the Constitution, which stipulates, that 
all slaves who shall escape from service into a free State, shall not there- 
by become free, but shall be delivered up upon the application of the 
person to whom such slave belongs. The old act of 1793, upon this 
subject, had become nugatory, through the prejudices of the people in 
the non-slaveholding States and the acts of their Legislatures. This 
bill has many wholesome provisions on this subject, and would, doubt- 
less, do much good, if it could be enforced. But it has not as yet 
served its purpose, and I fear never will. The feeling of anti-slavery is 
so strong in the North, that already has the sanctuary of justice been 
invaded and violated by a ruthless mob, in rescuing a fugitive slave. 
Many of the States have expressed, by their action, a willingness to 
carry out in good faith their obhgations in this respect ; but whether 
they will do so, remains yet to be seen. 

5. The last measure of the so-called Compromise, was the abolition 
of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. The penalty affixed for 
bringing a slave within the limits of the District, for the purposes of 
sale, is that he shall be set free. Th's measure was first brought for- 
ward by Mr. Clay, and received the warm support of the Hon. Wm. R. 
King, a Senator of Alabama, and now President of the United States 
Senate ; although, I believe, he did not vote for the bill as ■ passed. 
Thus terminated the slavery question, so far as the action of Congress 
was concerned. There was yet another tribunal to whom it had to be 
submitted, and the judgment of all has not yet been pronounced. 

It will be remembered that the Nashville Convention had adjourned 
to meet in six weeks after the adjournment of Congress. The action of 
that Convention had been passed by unnoticed by Congress. Not the 
shghtest respect had been paid to its recommendations, and it was now 
to meet to see what was to be done in this emergency. South-Caro- 
lina stood where she did at the close of the session of her Legislature 
in 1849. The position of Georgia now became one of great interest to 
the South, and the whole Union. Upon her action, in a great mea- 
sure, the cause of Southern Rights dei^ended. On the 8th Feb., 1850, 
the Legislature of that State passed an act, directing the Governor to 
call a convention of the people of that State, on the happening of cer- 



17 

tain contingencies. Araonrc otliers, was the passage by Congress of a 
law, " Admitting into the United States, as a State of this Confederacy, 
the sparsely peopled territory of California and New Mexico." After 
the adjournment of Congress, on the 23d Sept., 1850, Gov. Towns, of 
that State, issued his proclamation, calling a convention of the people^ 
as in his judgment the contingency, upon the happening of which he 
was directed to call a convention, had occurred. While this election of 
delegates was pending, the Nashville Convention again met. Its Pre- 
sident, Judge Shai-key, was among the missing. He had left the cause 
of Southern rights, and was traversing the State of Mississippi with 
Foote, endeavoring to subdue the spirit of her people. He became one 
of the champions of the Compromise, and instead of endeavoring to 
le?d his people up to the hne laid down by the Convention over which 
he had presided, his efforts were to lead them as far away as possible. 
Whether he has succeeded, remains yet to be seen. At the second 
meeting of the Convention, Virginia had one delegate, North-Carolina, 
I believe, one. No States were fully represented, but Georgia and 
South-Carolina. All the Convention did, was to recommend a South- 
ern Congress, in which the mode and measure of redress could be de- 
vised. Yet the second meeting of the Convention was not unattended 
with interest, in other respects. It called forth that celebrated speech 
from the Hon. Langdon Cheves, in behalf of Southern rights, which 
would have rendered his name immortal, had he been before unknown 
to fame ; an effort that has elicited the unbounded admiration of his 
native State, and which will be held as a rich legacy by posterity. Im- 
mediately after the adjournment of this Convention, Governor Quitman, 
of Mississippi, called the Legislature of that State together ; and on its 
assembling, all it did was to call a Convention of the people of that 
State, to meet on the tirst of November next. In the meantime, the 
election for delegates to the Georgia Convention came on. Messrs. 
Toombs, Stephens and Cobb, came home, and took the stump in de- 
fence of the Compromise measures. They raised the cry of Union, and 
denounced the Southern rights party as traitors and disorganizers. 
The State of South-Carolina came in for her full measure of abuse. 
The Southern rights party was defeated, utterly routed and overthrown. 
Out of two hundred and sixty delegates elected, only twenty-three were 
on the resistance side. This election came off the day on which our 
Legislature assembled. Wlien we met, the whole matter was before us. 
Among our number were those who had been delegates to the Nash- 
ville Convention. The action of that Convention was submitted to our 
consideration. We had before us the action of the Lea-islature of Mis- 



18 

sissippi, calling a convention of tha people of that State. The Legisla- 
tures of Virginia, of North-Carolina, and of Florida, were soon to meet. 
The question was, what ought South-Carolina to do in this conjuncture 
of affairs ? The Nashville Convention had recommended a Southern 
Congress. Mississippi led off in obedience to that recommendation, by 
calling a convention of her people. In what manner should we re- 
spond? We followed her recommendation as to the Nashville Conven- 
tion ; should we follow the recommendations of that Convention, and 
pursue the course of action indicated by Mississippi ? We had pledged 
ourselves to cooperate with our Southern sister States in a redress of our 
grievances, at any and every hazard. There was a line of policy mark- 
ed out bv one of them. Should we follow it, and thus increase the 
probability that those other Southern States, Avhose Legislatures were 
soon to meet, would be influenced by our united examples, and pursue 
them ; or should we inei'ely make provision, b}' an act of the Legisla- 
ture, for being represented in the Southern Congi-ess, by the eh-ction of 
members by the Legislature and people? In other words, should we 
merely repeat what we had done the session before, or should we do 
nothing? These were the alternatives presented. My judgment led 
me to the approval of the foiiner course. I was in favor of a conven- 
tion of the people uf the State, to meet simultaneously with that of 
Mississippi, or soon after; for our convention to elect delegates to the 
Southern Congiess, clothed with all the power it could invest them 
■with ; ])Ower to bind and to loose. I felt that the Nashville Conven- 
tion was competent to do, and, ])erhaps, had done all that a Southern 
Congress could do, made of delegates chosen in the same way. I also 
thought that the Legislature was restricted in its operations ; that the 
question ought to be submitted to the people, who were most inter- 
ested ; to the people, in their sovereign capacity, who would have full 
power to ado])t whatever course their wisdom might suggest ; who 
could examine into the matter in all its length and breadth ; and who 
could speak to Congress, to the North, and the other Southern States, 
as a sovereign, with a right to be heard as sueh. Accordingly, early in 
the session, I introduced a hill in the House of Representatives, to call 
a convention of the jieople of this State, which I advocated fur the rea- 
sons, and those alone, herein indicated. Resolutions had been intro- 
duced, affirming the right of secession, and that that right would be ex- 
ercised by South-Carolina, alone, at some future time, if she could ob- 
tain no cooperation. I stated in my remarks, emphatically, that I 
would vote for no resolution, committing South-Carolina to solitary 
secession ; but, if sepaiato secession Avas a fo"egone conclusion, I pre- 



19 

ferred it then, to waiting until everv other State should become tran- 
quil and apathetic, as from indications many of them seemed inclined to 
become ; but tliat I thought it impolitic and unwise to commit the 
State to any prescribed course of action. At the same time, a bill to 
provide for the election of deputies to a Southern Congress, was before 
the House for consid'ration. The bill for the call of a convention 
passed the Senate, but was defeated iu the House. The bill to elect 
deputies to a Southern Congress, was likewise defeated in the House, 
without being sent to the Senate. Afterwards, they were tacked to- 
gether, and passed both Houses, and bfcame a law. ]jy this bill, an 
election for delegates to a State Convention, was to take place on the 
second Monday in February, which has been done. Four deputies, on 
the part of the State at large, to the proposed Southern Congress, svere 
elected immediately, on the passage of the bill, by the Legislature, and 
each Congressional distinct is to elect two on the second Monday in Oc- 
tober ne.xt. My this act, the Governor of the State is authorized to call 
the Convention togi^ther, if the Southern Congress should meet and 
adjourn before the next Legislature meets. If the Southern Congress 
does not meet before oui' Legislature does, then the Legislature is to ti.x 
the time for the meeting of the Convention ; and, as there is no proba- 
bility that the Southern Congress will meet this year, the Legislature 
will have to tix the time for the meeting of the Convention. The Legis- 
lature al>'0 appropriated three hundred thousand dollars for the jmr- 
chase of arms, established a board of ordnance to superintend the pur- 
chasing of them, and placed fifty thousand dollars at the disposal of the 
Governor to be used by him in case of actual hostilities. Thus, fellow- 
citizens, I have given you, imperfectly I know, a history of this whole 
question down to the present time. The Convention has been elected. 
The destiny of the State is in their hands. In view of the existing 
state of atiairs, what ought that Convention to do when it meets I 
This is a question of the last importance to you, and which I shall now 
2)roc<'i'd to examine. 

When our Convention meets, if it appears that any of our Southern 
sister States are ready and willing to join us in the act of secession, 
then, in my judgment, the course of action to be pursued will be plain. 
It will be to secede from this Union, and form a Southern Confederacy, 
with the State or States seceding with us. But, suppose when our 
Convi-ntion meets, it is manifest that no other Southern State is pre- 
pared, or intends to secede, what then should be done ? This is the 
perplexing question. It seems to be taken for granted, that there is no 
middle ground for the Convention to occupy. No one has, to my 



20 

knowledge, suggested any other remedy than that of secession. Then, 
it appears that the question, and only question is, if all the other slave- 
holding States, fourteen in number, twelve of whom are as much inter- 
ested as we are, have as much at stake, and whose destinies are coupled 
with ours, shall have submitted, have acquiesced in the late action of 
Congress, and declared an indisposition to dissolve the Union, unitedly, 
ought we to cut loose all connection with them. South as well as North, 
slaveholding as well as non-slaveholding, and secede alone and form a 
separate and independent government. This is a grave and solemn 
matter, one that addresses itself to the head and heart of every son of 
Carolina. It is a momentous issue, involving, perhaps, every interest 
dear to us in life. It appeals to the rich and the poor, indiscriminately, 
and demands their judgment and their feelings in its solution. I shall 
discuss it with a sense of the deepest responsibility, duly impressed with 
my position as a citizen of the State, and perfectly alive to her interest 
and her honor. That we have been wronged, and foully wronged, no 
one can or will question ; and that we should obtain redress for those 
wrongs, if redress be attainable, is equally clear. How shall we obtain 
such redress ? how shall we recover our rights ? how shall we retrieve 
the dishonor that has been heaped upon the slaveholding States ? Can 
we best do so, by remaining with those whom God and destiny have 
united with us ; or, can we better do it, by sundering every tie that 
binds us to those who share with us all our wrongs. Let us examine 
the matter clearly, probe it to the bottom, bring to light every view 
connected with it, and then pass solemn judgment. Be it remembered 
throughout this examination, that there is in this confederacy iifteen 
slaveholding States ; that South-Carolina is among the very smallest 
of them ; that the wrongs and insults that have been received by her, 
was only as one of that fifteen ; that she has never been singled out 
and specially dishonored or oppressed. I say, let these facts be borne 
in mind. They are important, for it has been too much the custom 
among us, in my judgment, to isolate ourselves, in feeling and senti- 
ment, from the other States of the South. There is a seeming convic- 
tion that we have been more aggrieved, more dishonored, and, there- 
fore, should not be satisfied with what ought to satisfy other States. I 
state not this with any feeling of reproach. It is a fact, that is every 
day apparent in arguments on this question. I will consider all the 
arguments I have heard used, why we should secede separately, and 
then present those which are adverse to such a course. If this is the 
proper remedy, it will suffer nothing by the closest scrutiny ; and if it 
is not, then it ought not to be adopted. The first ground assumed is. 



21 

that the course of things in Congress, for the last few years, tends 
strongly towards a consolidntion of the government ; that this republic 
of independent sovereignties will, unless the course of corruption is ar- 
rested, become a strong, despotic, democratic empire. There is, doubt- 
less, much truth in this, and every expedient practicable ought to be 
resorted to, to prevent such a consummati<)n. But, is it possible for 
two hundred and eighty thousand white inhabitants of the Confederacy 
to control and give direction to the policy of twenty-two millions? that 
is, can one-fortieth of the inhabitants of this Union force upon the 
others their views of the principles of the Constitution ? It matters not 
that in reply it may be said, that the interest of the whole South, of 
one-half of this Union, is coincident with that of South-Carolina. 
This fact will avail us nothing, unless we can induce them to view mat- 
ters in the same light, and through the same medium that we do; for, 
as long as they contribute to the existence of a government whose 
power and influence seeks the direction so objectionable, their identity 
of interest will serve us little purpose. Is it, therefore, the part of 
good policy to continue our connection with them, and by continually 
sounding the alarm, bring them up to the position we occupy, when we 
can tix our own terms, or settle our own destiny in a manner to sub- 
serve our interests ; or should we dissolve all connection, cut loose from 
all sympathy and intercourse, and leave them to their fate. I think 
not. For, whether we are in the Union, or out of the Union, the fate 
of the slaveholding States must be ours for evil, while we might by in- 
discreet action increase the evils to which we are subjected. 

It is urged, secondly, that unless South-Carolina secedes, uncondi- 
tional submission, on the part of the whole South, will b6 the conse- 
quence, as to the past aggressions of Congress. I am free to admit, 
that there is very little probability that the Southern Congress will 
ever meet, and much less probability that any State who would be 
therein represented, will be prepared, except South-Carolina, to exercise 
the high sovereign right of secession. This being the case, it is con- 
tended that by our seceding aloue, an issue, plain, practical, and of the 
proper kind, would be presented to the other States ; and that from a 
community of interest and a sense of common wrong, common danger 
and common safety, they would be forced, or at least some of them 
would be, to follow our example and sece<le also ; and thus, in a short 
time, we should have what is so much desired by us all, a Southern 
Confederacy. This is the great and urgent reason used for separate 
State action. This argnment must be examined in two a>pccts ; and 
its solution is, in a great measure, connected with the view which will 



22 

be taken, as to our right to recede, by the Federal Government. That 
Congress would acknowledge that a State has a right, as incident to its 
sovereignty, to secede from the Union, no one dreams of. Yet it may 
be possible that such a proceeding might be tolerated from prudential 
motives, while the right would never be acknowledged. 

We will first consider the peaceable side of the question, and see 
how it will work. Suppose the Southern Congress fails to meet, or 
having met, fails to do any thing, in our judgment, commensurate with 
the evils we have experienced, and that every other Southern State has 
given clear indications of their intention to acquiesce in the past action 
of Congress ; our Convention meets and declares tliat thenceforth 
South-Carolina is no longer a member of the Federal Union, and that 
she takes her station among the sovereign and independent nations of 
the earth, organizes a new government, or re-models her present State 
government, so as to meet the exigencies of her new situation ; the 
Federal Government stands by, looks on, and does nothino; — what will be 
the feeling throughout the Union ? Are not the Northern States fully 
alive to the consequences of disunion ? Are they not sagacious enough 
to see that the moment the Southern States draw oft^" from them, their 
prosperity is gone. This appeal to their cupidity would strike home ; 
and immediately the issue was presented, that aggression must cease, or 
other States would follow the example of South -Carolina, every kind 
of machinery would be put in motion, to arrest the tide of fanaticism ; 
and, as certain as flte, it would be rolled back. The voice .of Hale, of 
Garrison, of Seward, would be hushed ; and the hoarse (Sfys that are 
now imprecating the vengeance of God, would be drowned in the 
stronger appeals of interest. This would not be all. As soon as we 
left the Union, the power and patronage of the whole government 
would be brought to bear upon all the States contiguous to us, to pre- 
vent them from joining us ; large appropriations for their cities, high 
offices and preferment to their leading men, and the strongest assur- 
ance that aggression was at an end. Does an}^ one doubt but that this 
will be immediately done ? To do so, is to doubt, nav, to deny what we 
have complained of for thirty years — that the North was suj^ported on 
the labor of the South. 

And what would be the consequence ? Is it not plain ? A million 
annually to cities contiguous to us to improve their harbours, to build 
custom houses, with mail steamers running to and fro to all parts of 
the world. Dock yards and navy yards established to give employment 
to hundreds of their citizens. Foreign embassies and secretaryships to 
their ruling men, and a Union President from among them, who will 



23 

lavish upon thorn for a time all the favors and benefits the Republic can 
bestow. 'Hie foul spirit of abolition lielci in check, perhaps destroyed by 
the strong arm of interest, and the sound of the glorious Union rising 
from every hill side; Washington's Farewell Address posted at every 
tavern door and cross-road throughout the South; how many, think you, 
would join us, would secede ? I appeal to the candor of my fellow-citi- 
zens to say if they believe that a solitary State would do so — the hope 
would be vain. Another view has been frequently insisted on with 
great pertinacity, as constituting a reason why, if we were to secede, 
other States would join us, and that is the state of prosperity to which 
we would soon attain. That we are now kept down by the operation 
of the tarirt' laws, by means of which large amounts annually are ex- 
tracted from our iK)ckets to supjiort the government ; that we would 
have free trade, and soon our cities would become metropoli>', and our 
towns cities, and the whole State become a garden, luxuriant with 
fruits. This is certainly a very cajitivating view of the question, and it 
M'ould constitute a very strong argument in favor of secession, if it be 
true. Let us examine it. I suppose it will scarcely be questioned by 
any one, that an independent and separate government would certainly 
involve an increased expenditure, over and above the amount now re- 
quired to support our present one. What amount would it take ? We 
would be compelled to ha\e a post office system, we must have some 
sort of a navy to protect our coasts and our commerce, we would have 
to have a few Foreign Consuls to jirotect the rights, or rather to look 
after the rights of our citizens, and many other incidents necessary to a 
separate government. AVhat it would all cost, we can only conjecture. 
Texas, with not a fifth of our po|iulaUun, incurri'd debts to the amount of 
ten millions in a short time, and she never had more than a thousand 
soldiers in the field, and that for only a few months, and on her own 
soil. Let us endeavor to approximate. We may safely put it down at 
two or three millions annually. Some, who are much wiser than I am, 
have said four or five, but let us adopt the former figures. IIow is the 
money to be raised i l>y taxing the people. They complain now when 
the taxes do not amount to even half a million ; what would they say if 
they were raised six times as high ? They would not stand it. Then 
we could not have free trade, for the only way to do so is to tax the 
people directly to support the government. We would be compelled 
to levy a luty on imported goods. But it is contended that our duties 
would be on northern goods as well as foreign, and that taxing north- 
ern goods, which pay no duty now, would enable us to lay a very light 
duty on all, or at least European goods. We might tax northern goods 



24 

somewhat higher, by way of reprisal for the wiongs the Nortli has in- 
flicted on us. In addition to this, a laige quantity, perhaps much the 
greater quantity of European goods that are sold in the Charleston 
market, pay duty at, and are purcliased by us in New-York; and these 
goods, if we are out of the Union, would come to Charleston, and the 
duty would be collected there, and thus we should have an abundance 
of means to carry on our government, by a very small tariff, and per- 
haps be able to relieve the people from any direct taxation whatever. 
Let us examine and see how far this is true. If we secede alone, we 
are, of course, cut otT from all our trade in goods and merchandize 
with North-Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama and Florida. This 
is plain. The government at Washington may not interfere witli us 
m the act of secession, but most assuredly it wonld not sutter itself to 
become bankrupt, by permitting all the sources of its income to be 
swallowed up through the medium of our free ports, or partially free. 
If European goods were allowed to pass from South-Carolina to all the 
Southern States, how would the government sup])ort itself? It is absurd 
to suppose any such thing would be allowed. Custom Houses and Uni- 
ted States troops to prevent smuggling, and to collect duties, would be 
stationed at Augusta, Savannah, and all round our border. No Euro- 
pean goods would be allowed to pass from out of South-Carolina to 
any of the other States, without paying the same duty that is now 
paid. If this be so, as it certainly will be, then no foreign goods would 
pass from South-Carolina to the other States. No merchant would buy 
goods that was subject to the tariff duties of South-Carolina, and also of 
the United States, when he could get them at New- York, or in Savan- 
nah, by paying the duty only once. It would make no difference how 
small our tariff was ; all trade between us and the other States, so ftir as 
it was done with goods from a foreign State, would be effectually cut 
off. 'Tis idle to talk about the expense and trouble to the United States 
Government, in keeping up custom stations around our border ; it would 
be forced in the necessity of the case to do it, and would not hesitate 
at any expense. Let us see what would be the effect of a tax on 
northern goods. Suppose it was thirty or twenty per cent., ho\v many 
northern ships, or southern ships, laden with northern goods, would 
come to Charleston ? Not one. This is easily seen. To the amount 
of the tax levied by South-Carolina, would goods be cheaper in Savan- 
nah and Augusta than in Charleston ? Let me explain. If northern 
goods are taxed twenty per cent, at Charleston, they will, of course, be 
twenty per cent, cheaper in Savannah and Augusta, where no tax is 
paid; and every merchant in South- Carolina, and certainly every plan- 



25 

ter out of Charleston, who wanted to buy northern homespuns and 
calicoes, would u'o to Savannah or xVugusta, where they could buy cheap- 
est ; and our Rail-Road, instead of carrying goods up, would carry 
them down. It wont do to talk out patriotism — it will not survive a 
perpetual drain of the purse. What would be the consequence ? Is it 
not api)arent, that the only revenue we could derive by a tax on im- 
ports, would be on the foreign goods consumed in South-Carolina? The 
amount of duties collected at our custom house now, does not exceed 
half a million annually ; would it be more, if we were out of the Union ? 
It is very uncertain. It is, therefore, perfectly plain, that instead of our 
prospei-ing by free trade, we would have to keep up a tarifi:' as high as 
the present, and, perhaps, impose additional direct taxes, to keep up our 
government. If it is replied that wt- could establish custom houses, 
and keep up an army also, to prevent northern goods from coming in 
free of duty from North-Carolina and Georgia, 1 will only add, that 
this would only serve to keep nurth''rn goods frum cunning liere alto- 
gether, unless they were smuggled in ; or if a few did come, it would 
take all the money realized from the imports to defray the expenses of 
the army and othces of customs. There would be an additional conse- 
quence, not to be overlooked ; indeed, it is one of paramount impor- 
tance. If the merchants of other States, who trade in and through 
Charleston, are prevented in the manner I have indicated, from receiv- 
ing their goods in that direction, and have to bring them by the way of 
Savannah, as a matter of course their produce v.ill go the way their 
goods come. They will have hut one set of factors, and all that tide of 
wealth that is pouring down our Rail-Road to Charleston, would be di- 
verted to Savannah, and Savannah would become a great exporting and 
importing city at the expense of the city of Charleston. Our Rail-Road, 
which is but now emerging from the burdens and ditficulties under which 
it has groani'd, would not be more than able to j^ay its expenses; nay, 
it could nyt do eviui so much, and its debts amounting to two millions 
in Europe, for which South-Carolina is guarant6o;^vould have to be 
paid bv taxes on the peojde. Charleston would loose the half million 
she has subscribed to the Chattanooga Rail-Road, and thus by one move 
would our ])resent high hopes, in a commercial point of view, be dashed 
to tlie ground. Let it not be supposed, for one moment, that I would 
urge tlie consideration of dollars and cents, if they stood in the way of 
our rights. I would scorn such a course, as unworthy a true Caroli- 
nian ; but when separate State action is urged, and the supposed pros- 
perity we would realize by a separation from the Union is brought for- 
ward as a reason for tliat course, and as a strong argument why other 



26 

States would join us, it is legitimate to show that the arguments to prove 
the probabilities of such prosperity, are untenable and without foun- 
dation. This I have attempted to do ; how far I have succeeded, others 
must judge, but I think I have shown enough to prove, that by being- 
out of the Union alone, the condition of South-Carolina would not be 
so much improved, as to furnish a reason thereby to other States to fol- 
low her example. Granted that her condition would not be much worse, 
commercially, than it is now — that it would be equally as good — then 
surely her prosperity would be no argument with other States, and they 
never would join her if this was the moving consideration. • 

I will now contemplate the question through the medium in o]iposi- 
tion to peaceable secession. What are the prospects if the Federal 
Government should refuse to recognize our right to secede, and should 
endeavor by coercion to keep us in the Union ? Let us consider the 
kind of coercion that will probably be used. No one believes that Pre- 
sident Fillmore would order federal troops to invade South-Carolina ; 
no one believes that tlie citizens of other States will volunteer to come 
here to alttempt to subdue us. If such was to be the case, they would 
not advance very far in the State, or remain very long, except in their 
graves; for Soulh-Carolina is competent to defeat any federal troops 
that will desecrate her soil. This, then, will not be the mode, if coer- 
cion is attempted ; all that will be done, will be in the collection of du- 
ties under the cannon's mouth, at Fort Moultrie, or on board ships of 
war outside of our harbor. Where are our means of resistance ? W^e 
hear talk of tens of thousands of volunteers from other States ; what 
good would volunteers do us ? They would consume our food, and do 
us more injury than benefit. What could volunteers do against ships of 
war? No! we will want no volunteers; we have more soldiers of 
our own than we will have any use for, and unless our volunteers will 
build vessels to fight with, and come in them, they can do us no service. 
The question comes up, what will other States do if the Federal (.Tovern- 
ment should refuse to recognize our right to secede. It is urged by 
those who are in favor of separate State action, that beyond all doubt 
other States would then interfere and come to our assistance. I doubt 
not but that some of them will interfere to get us back into the Union, 
but I do not believe that one of them, at this time, would come to our 
assistance. What a.ssistance could they render us ? There is only one 
way in which they could effectually assist us, and that would be to se- 
cede also, and unite their destiny with ours. Tliat they will see in our 
condition an example of what will be thiers, unless they come to the 
rescue. That the doctrine of State sovereignty will be then put in is- 



27 

sue, and unless they uphol'l it, their own doom is sealed. Tins is our 
conclusion, and it may be true ; but will it be theire, that is the impor- 
tant question ? We differ with them now wide as the heavens, as to 
the course of policy the Soutli ought to pursue. They may, and in my 
opinion will, differ equally with us, as to the result of our sovereignty 
being denied. Look closely into the question, see what the South has 
already submitted to ; Congress, we contend, has denied the equality of 
the Southern States with those of the North. Is not that a practical 
denial of their sovereignty ? Because we are slaveholders, our rights 
have been denied us. What is that but a practical repudiation of 
sovereignty? Yet the South submits. If the other Southern States have 
then submitted quietly to what we deem such an outrage — to be practi- 
cally degraded — to have their rights wrested from them, and yet liave 
acquiesced, because they love the Union so much ; will any of them 
leave it to uphold, to support, the abstract doctrine of State sovereign- 
ty, when that issue has been forced on them by us, who tell them that 
they are cowards and poltroons, and that we will force them, by our ac- 
tion, to go against their inclinations — to do what they have said they 
would not do, and make them the ministers of our will, despite their 
feelings to the contrary. I fear me we shall be sadly disa]>pointed, but 
we are not left to conjecture on this point; we have experience from the 
issues of another period full of instruction. In the days of nullification, 
the same arguments were used and insisted on. It was said, let South- 
Carolina move, let her nullify the tarifl', and if the Federal Government 
uses, or attempts to use force, other States will fly to the rescue. They 
have an identity of interest, and will make common cause with her. 
South-Carohna nullified the tarif!", and what did the other States do ? 
Their representatives left the halls of Congress, when the Force Bill 
passed. But did they come to South-Carolina? Very far from it. 
The Federal Government sent the sloop of war Natchez, bristling with 
cannon into our harbour, and she stood there with her guns ]>ointing 
upon our city, and enforced the laws we had nullified, and not a single 
State came to our assistance. They deserted us without a single ex- 
ception, and every thing that was done was by Virginia, who sent Ben- 
jamin Watkins Leigh to try and produce reconciliation — and thus it 
will be again. The other States are not ready for secession now, and we 
cannot force them to see matters in the liglit we view them, and by se- 
ceding when it is against their unanimous judgment, and known by us 
to be so, it is virtually condemning their patriotism and their courage ; 
at least, they will feel it is so, and pride of opinion, and wounded self 
respect, will keep thetn aloof, were they otherwise disposed to secede. 



28 

What State will secede in case of difficulties between ourseh'es and the 
Federal Government ? Will Virginia? What are her feelings now on 
the subject ? Her Governor, who twelve months ago was in the van- 
guard of Southern resistance, and vowed Virginia would never submit 
to the Wilmot Proviso, now recommends acquiescence in the Compro- 
mise measures, admitting they are not exactly as he would have them, 
but yet there is no sufficient cause for resistance. Her Legislature has 
met and adjourned since ours did, and it was even cooler than Gov. 
Floyd. Not a word of complaint did it utter, although the action of 
the Nashville Convention, of the Legislature of Mississippi, and of our 
own, was before it ; perfectly satisfied, it adjourned without action. 
Even while I write the Convention of Virginia is in session, for the pur- 
pose of amending the Constitution, yet not a syllable has escaped it on 
this question. Will North-Carolina secede — I am doubtful if a majo- 
rity of her delegation in Congress were not secretly in favor of the ad- 
mission of California — one of her Representatives voted for it, and both 
of her Senators skulked the vote, and were not present. Her Legisla- 
ture has met and adjourned since ours ; and Gov. Reid, who defeated 
Gov. Manly, because he was stronger on the Southern rights question 
than Manly, also recommends acquiescence, in which recommendation 
the Legislature cheerfully concurred. Will Georgia secede ? Never ! If 
she had no other reason, the mere fact that South-Carolina was in favor 
of it, would be sufficient to deter her. She has at this moment a larger 
Union party within her limits, than can be started in New-York. Out of 
two hundred and sixty delegates to her Convention, oidy twenty-three 
were for resistance; and even these twenty-three were not half as strong 
in their proposed plan of resistance, as men who, on this side of the 
river, are called downright submissionists. Secession was not considered. 
Non-intercourse was the question, and nine-tenths of Georgia were op- 
posed to even so mild a measure as that. I believe Georgia would be 
delighted to see us out of the Union — she would rejoice to see Savan- 
nah built up at the expense of Charleston, which would be the result, 
in the manner I have before indicated. She, of all the other States, 
would be most benefitted by our leaving the confederacy ; and although 
we have a great many warm friends there, the great body of the people 
have been for years opposed to us. Will Alabama secede ? Her Go- 
vernor tliinks not much harm has been done — not enough, he says, to 
induce hini to call together the Legislature of that State. What will 
Florida do ? She, I believe, has been afraid to open her mouth on either 
side, perhaps, wanting to keep in with both parties; she has taken no 
interest in the matter whatever, and her Legislature has met and ad- 



29 

journecl since ours, and all it did was to turn out of the United States Se- 
nate the only one of her members who had ever stood up for Southern 
rights. 

Will Mississippi secede ? She is the only State to whom we can look 
"with any prospect of assistance ; but, alas ! that prospect has grown 
dark. The spirit that once rose in such might there, I fear is rapidly 
subsiding. Her Governor, the gallant Quitman, who fought and bled 
for the territories from which we have been driven, and who was ready 
to fight for her rights and those of the South therein, is in the hands of 
the federal harpies, to be tried for violating the laws of the United 
States, in raising forces to invade the Island of Cuba. These are all 
the States to whom we can look for co-operation, with what prospect 
of success you can determine. In addition to what I have stated, in re- 
gard to the feeling in the States that surround us, I would remark, that 
the leading members in Congress from North-Carolina, Georgia, Ala- 
bama, Florida and Mississippi, have recently, within the last six weeks, 
signed a written pledge, whereby they have bound themselves to vote 
for no man for any office, not even for the Legislature, who is not in 
favor of the Compromise measures of the last Congress. Where, I 
would ask, is there the slightest probability that any State will co-ope- 
rate with us ? 

It may be said that the rulers, in those States, will not be able to 
keep down the people, and that they will rise in their might and come 
to our assistance. What are the facts ? A large majority of those 
States think we have very little to complain of. They have been taught 
to think this. They are told that the South has achieved a great victo- 
ry ; and, in proof it, they are pointed to the fact that the very measures 
of which we complain, were introduced and carried through Congress 
by Southern men, and by Southern slaveholders. They are pointed to the 
fact, that the Wilmot Proviso could never have passed ; that the ad- 
mission of California was brought about by the influence and power of 
Gen. Taylor, a Southern slaveholder, who owed his election to the fact 
of his being a slaveholder. They are told that but eighteen out of the 
thirty Southern Senators could be found to vote against the admission 
of California. They are told that the abolition of the slave trade in the 
District of Columbia, was brought forward by Henry Clay, of Kentucky, 
and advocated by Wra. R. King, of Alabama, a Senator from the mid- 
dle of the slave country ; and that the Texas Spoliation Bill was brought 
forward by a slaveholding Senator, carried through by the votes of slave- 
holders, and accepted by a slaveholding State ; and, in short, that of every 
measure of which we complain, one-third of the Southern Senators 



30 

either voted for them, or were out of the way when the vote was taken. 
Unfortunately, this is too true, and we need not wonder at its afiecting 
the feeling and sentiment in other States ; for if the Southern mem- 
bers had been united, we could have got all we wanted. Tb(!y 
were united in opposition to the Wilraot Proviso, and ii never could 
have passed. They divided on the otlier questions, and we lost every 
thing. Do we not, I would ask, owe our misfortunes as much to South- 
ern defection as to Northern fanaticism? And yet we cling to the delu- 
sion, that if we secede, the very authors of our wrong will join us. 
This, to my mind, is a faith that would remove mountains. I think I 
may safely conclude, then, that separate State action cannoi be advo- 
cated on the ground that it will be the means of bringing about co-ope- 
ration. I have heard it said, that we have nothing to do with the ac- 
tion of other States ; that South-Caruhna is a sovereign, and must judge 
for herself, and act fur herself If it is desired that we sect^de alone, and 
remain alone after secession, it may do very well ; but, if we desire a 
Southern Confederacy, we have a great deal to do with the action of 
the other States, and ought to be iiifiuenced by it. All the positions I 
have taken, are intended to lebut the id^^a that by our State's seceding, 
she will draw other States with her. 1 have endeavored to show that if 
secession be peaceable, or if coercion be used, in neither event will other 
States join us. If it be held, however, that it would be better for South- 
Carolina to be out of the Union alone, than remain where she^ is ; if it 
be thought that we have been specially and more particularly aggrieved 
than any other State, or enough so to require us t'> leave the Union 
alone ; that our honor deuuuids it, and that it would be a remedy for 
existing evils and past aggressions — why, then, no consequences should 
deter us. I would have us to take no counsel from our fears. I make 
no such appeal ; whether we are blockaded or invaded, makes no dif- 
ference, provided, in view of our position, and our relation to other 
States, we ought to secede. All that I contend for is, that under exist 
ino- circumstances, we will have no co-operation. I l^elieve if we will 
wait, and remain in the Union for a few years, we will find in that time 
the other States ready ; but if we secede now, and thereby drive back 
the feehng of disunion that is every day increasing, and cut oft" all sym- 
pathy and correspondence, as we would do, tve ivill never have a. South- 
ern Confeder^icy. But it is said we have waited twenty years, and our 
patience is exhausted. This is certainly remarkable, for the grievances 
of which we complain have not been committed more than six months. 
If it be meant that South-Carolina has become ready to dissolve the 
Union, from a feeling existing for twenty years, I am willing to grant it ; 



31 

but, be it remembered, tliat the feeling in the other States, and devo- 
tion to the Union, was, until within twelve months, similar to our feelings 
and devotion previous to 1832 ; and it is more than we ought to expect, 
that other States, divided and distracted by two great parties, should 
be up to the p(jint of resistance with us who have had no such parties; 
that under such disadvantages, they should be as well prepared in 
twelve montlis, as we have become in near twenty years. Should 
we leave them now, when we have every reason to hope that the 
very next aggression on the part of Congress, which is not very tar off, 
will bring them into line with us? Nearly all of the Southern States by 
w'hom we are surrounded, have pledged themselves, in the most solemn 
manner, to resist to a disruption of every tie that binds them to the 
confederacy, any other conceivable aggression by Congress on the ques- 
tion of slavery ; we all believe that further aggressions will soon be 
made, unless the serpent of fanaticism is arrested by our opening its 
eyes to the consecjUences, in our seceding ; and we need wait but a short 
time, bifore the ultimatum of the other States will be invaded, and then 
they will go with us; and if they do not, we will then go alone, let the 
consequences b(^ what they may ; for we shall then have reason to be- 
lieve that no oppression will drive them out of the Union ; and, as soon 
as we discover that, I think we will t^it contribute to our own dishonor 
and danger to remain any longer with them. I believe that we should 
secede separately, if Congress were to abolish slavery in the District of 
Columbia, or to prevent what is called the internal slave trade between 
the States, or to refuse admission into the Union of any State, because 
it was slaveholding, or were to abolish slavery on any of the public 
grounds of the Union, within the limits of the slaveholding States, or 
were to interfere in any manner with slavery in the States. For any of 
these usurpations, we should draw c>ti" immediately, and let consequences 
take care of themselves; and, in my judgment, nothing short of these 
will induce any of the other slaveholding States to secede. It is con- 
tended by some that if we secede, England will sc-e that we suffer 
no harm. AVhy would she interfere? To get our three hundred thou- 
sand bales of cotton. This she would get any how. Will it be to get 
rid of the tariti'. which now keeps out her goods ? We should have to 
tax them just as high. Would it be because she thinks we have been 
wronged ? Her leading men and leading journals have rejoiced more 
than the North, at the recent acts of Congress. Would it be because 
she is in favor of slavery ? She has abolished it wherever she has had 
the power, and spends millions annually to put it down. And, it m'vrht 
be added, that a war with the United States would cost her more than 
the whole crop of South-Carolina is worth for ten years. 



32 

I therefore assert, and think it can be proved, that so far as the past 
aggressions of Congress are concerned, separate State action is not 
only not the p7-oper remedy^ but that it is no remedy at all. What do 
we complain of? Let us take the matter of the admission of Cahfornia, 
which is the great bone of contention. The first objection is, that the 
South has been insulted and treated as unequals in the confederac}'. 
While I grant this freely, yet the other States, who are equally interest- 
ed with us, or, at least, a great many of them, deny it. But let it be 
considered not an open question, such as I hold it to be, in what man- 
ner would we get satisfaction b}' being out of the Union by ourselves. If 
we were only leaving the North, no one would hesitate; but when we 
secede, we leave all the States, half of whom are as much interested, 
and have as much at stake as we have. Can any wrong or damage 
come to us, that will not come as potently to them ? None. Then while 
we are altogether uiiwillmg to submit to the vile domination of the 
North, it is not, in my judgment, dishonorable for one of the smallest 
States to defer her action to the judgment of her sisters, more particu- 
larly Avhen they have assured her in the most solemn manner that they 
have made the last concession they ever will make, and if the slightest 
aggressive act should be further perpetrated, they are with her; when, at 
the same time, she believes that that aggressive act will soon be executed, 
would it not be better for South-Carolina to wait even five years, and be 
able to form a Southern Confederacy, than to rush out of the Union now 
alone. Suppose agitation were now to cease forever ; would any one then 
be wiUing to see South-Carolina out of the Union alone ? But as it 
will not cease, she will be under no necessity of being out of the Union 
alone, unless all the other States belie their most solemn assevei'ation ; 
and, if they do, we will be as well prepared to W»ve them as now, and 
with much more reason. 

The second objection made to the admission of California, is that the 
exclusion of slavery therein is but carrying out the principle of north- 
ern policy, as announced by Mr. Rathbun, of New-York, who, a few 
years ago, asserted on the floor of Congress, that " the North would 
surround us by a cordon of free States, that would cause the shackles of 
slaves to drop from their limbs ;" that this policy will be to limit the 
existence of slavery to its present localities, with the hope that having 
no outlet, the increase will be so great after a time, that we shall be 
forced, in the necessity of the case, to abolish it. If this be a good ob- 
jection to the admission of California, and constitutes a valid reason why 
the South sliould resist, as I believe it to be, it tells with powerful force 
against the isolation of South-Carolina ; for if we secede, the slaves we 



33 

now possess must ever be restricted to the limits of our own State. 
When we come out of the Union, we will be a foreign State to the 
other States of the Union, and bear the same relation to them, as Cuba 
or Brazil does now. And, according to the Act of Congress of 1808, 
no person can carry slaves from any foreign State to any of the United 
States, with intent to hold or to sell them, without being subject to a 
fine of eight hundred dollars for each slave so carried, and a liability to 
ten years imprisonment — one half the amount of the fine to the in- 
former — a pretty large bribe to seek out stray South-Carolinians. We 
Avould be fixed to the soil, and no matter how desirous we might be of 
moving, or how our slaves might increase — if we were slaveholders, we 
would bo unable to leave the State — so it will be seen that the circum- 
scribing of slavery in the admission of California, constitutes but a weak 
argument for South-Carolina to withdraw alone. If any one is incredu- . 
lous as to the existence of this Act, if he will examine the laws of the 
United States, vol. viii, page 262, he will find it. A Cuban, or Bra- 
zilian, can no more bring a slave to the United States, than can an 
American from the coast of Africa ; and we would be in the same con- 
dition, cut oft' from our Southern sisters, with no mail facilities, by which 
we could communicate with them, and the civilized world on every 
other side bitterly ojjposed to our institutions. Well might one pause 
before he venture on the act of solitary secession, with but little hope 
of co-operation. Lastly, it is said that South-Carolina is committed ; is 
pledged to secede ; and that we must do it, though desolation should 
rear its horrid crest. 

This I deny. No such pledge can be produced. No resolutions de- 
claring South-Carolina would secede, have ever met my eye, except, 
perhaps, the one that was adopted at the meeting of the Southern 
Rights Association, of this District, on the fii'st Monday in January 
last. I have given, in the first part of this Address, all the resolutions 
ever adopted by the Legislature ; they are short and mild, and look 
only to co-operation. The last resolution says, that if slavery is abo- 
lished in the District of Columbia, or the Wilmot Proviso was adopted, 
the Union would be dissolved. This was but repeating the language of 
the resolution Mr. Colcock pledged himself to offer. Has slavery been 
abolished in the District of Columbia? No! Has the Wilmot Pro- 
viso been adopted 1 If it has, Mr. Colcock did not redeem his pledge. 
But the Wilmot Proviso was not adopted, never could have passed ; 
and if it had, the Union would have been dissolved before now, as cer- 
tain as fate. It will be said that it was substantially adopted by the 
exclusion of slavery by the people of California. This was the Execu- 
S 



34 

tive Proviso, as Mr, Calhoun called it; and, altliougli it may have the 
same effect, yet it is very different in the minds of the Southern people 
from the Wilmot Proviso. That was a measure endeavored to be forced 
down the throats of the Southern people by the free-soilers. The Execu" 
tive Proviso was the act of a Southern slaveholder — carried through by 
the votes of slaveholders, and slaveholding members of Congress, from 
every slaveholding State but South-Carolina, have pledged themselves 
to proscribe every man who does not sustain it. But the calling of the 
Convention, and arming the State, it is said, concludes the question, 
and there must be no carping now, but we must proceed to the con- 
summation of the act of secession, looking no longer to expediency, or 
the propriety of the act. The people will be surprised to learn that 
the act of a limited agent, which was not, by many who sustained it, 
intended to settle any particular course of policy, should be held to 
commit them indissolubly to a course, on which they have not been 
fully consulted, and which is opposed to their best interest. 

At the time this Convention was called, we knew not how any State 
Avould act, but Georgia. We had pledged ourselves to cooperate with 
our Southern sister States. Mississippi had called a Convention, and 
had put one hundred thousand dollars at the disposal of her Governor, 
and we had eveiy reason to believe she would secede with us. Was it 
our duty, then, to follow her example ? In my judgment, it was. The 
Legislatures of Virginia, North-Carolina and Florida, were soon to meet. 
Ought we, then, to have done nothing, (for merely directing delegates 
to be sent to a Southern Congress, would have been only re-enacting 
what wo had done the year before, as to the Nashville Convention,) or 
ought we to have come up to the mai'k, and to let Virginia, North- 
Carolina and Florida, see where we were ; that we were ready to go out 
if any of them were ; that we intended to secede, if only accompanied 
by Mississippi ; and thereby induce, perhaps, one of them to join us. I 
sa}^ was not this our duty ? Should we have done nothing and said 
nothing, and thus to let the blame of the failure of the whole mattei- 
fall upon us. And because the Legislature was not willing to do this, 
and was anxious to take high ground to assure the other States, it is 
said, if they every one recede, we must go alone ; must be ruined, if 
need be, when our action was predicated on that of States who have 
disappointed us, or may disapjioint us. This, to my mind, is simply 
absurd. 

How stand our leading statesmen on the question of separate State 
action ? W^hat says the noble Cheves, who has won undying laui-els 
in the cause of Southern riglits, and who was unanimouslv thanked and 



35 

lionored by our Legislature for his speech at the Nasliville Convention, 
and who was, for the same etlbrt, unanimously voted by the TiaraweU 
District Southern Rights Association — " The enlightened statesman — 
the true-hearted patriot — the noble veteran of the South." What does 
lie say in that celebrated speech, after enumerating our wrongs with 
" thoughts that breathe and words that burn." He says : " What is 
ihe remedy ? I ansxoer, secession — united secession of the slaveholding 
States, or a large number of them. Nothiuf/ else vnll he tvise, no- 
(hinq else Avn/Sbe. prcicjicahle" And yel\raembers of that Association 
wff^TO^c? -fwiVnis rosdh^io^, ha^ chai'.'kt-eri§ed tfis subns|ssionists, and 
made remarks u'nfevorable to the patriotism of those whc) feel Southert' 
wrouirs as much as Judije Chevos^and who go much fa'rther than he 
due's, and\re willing to scaedteVit'h'^^Xt'ri one State, 

What sa3-.s oui;^ Semirm- Hutler, who has fought this question from the 
first time it'*a])pe'arccl\in«v(|ongress, and whose heart beats as true to 
Carolina, as the child^to its mother. He is opposed to separate State 
action. What says Governor Hammond, who has rendered his name 
illustrious in the defence of slavery. He is also opposed. What says 
Mr. Barnwell, who was thought worthy to succeed Carolina's "owi] 
son," and who met the question in the Senate and did battle there. 
His judgment is utterly against separate State action. What say our 
noble Judiciary, who have ever stood foremost in defence of the Con- 
stitution and the rights of the citizen ; what say a large majority of 
Carohna's distinguished sons, who are vitally interested in this matter? 
They say that sep^irate State action is unwise, impolitic, and may 
prove ruinous. If it be submission to occujiy a luimbh.' jilact; in sucIj 
ranks, I say, bu it so. 

Fellow-citizens, I have discharged what I believe to be my duty, in 
weakness, but faithfully. I have placed the whole matter before jou, 
as far as my abilities would allow me. The destinies of South-Caro- 
lina are yet, to some extent, in your keeping. You have a right, and it 
is your duty, to see her safe through the billows; and if we are to 
secede alone, let us wait a while longer, until our ships can ride in the 
sea ; build a wall of tire around oirr harbor, and maintain our indepen- 
dence, or sink in the struggle. If we must secede, let us act like men, 
and be ready for it ; k-t us, under cover of our own Palmetto, ride on 
the ocean ; and when tlif eii'/my conies, make Cliarlestun harbor as 
famous as Salamis or Trafalgar, and hand down tu jxjsterity some name 
as glorious as that of Themistocles or Nelson. 

Respectfully, your Representative and fellow-citizen, 

W, A. OWENS. 



